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SECTION 2: MAJOR TRADE NEGOTIATIONS AND AGREEMENTS ECAT Member Companies actively support the negotiation and implementation of comprehensive and trade-oriented bilateral, regional, and global trade and investment agreements. In the 1990s, the United States led trade and investment liberalization efforts with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Uruguay Round Agreements and the WTO Agreements on Information Technology, Basic Telecommunications and Financial Services. That agenda was almost quiescent until Congress approved Trade Promotion Authority in 2002 (as part of the Trade Act of 2002). With that authority, the United States was able to accelerate and conclude ongoing negotiations and initiate several new ones. This authority expires in 2005 unless the President seeks its extension and neither House of Congress disapproves the President’s request. In early 2003, the United States concluded free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations with Chile and Singapore. Congress soundly approved those agreements in July 2003. Details of these agreements are discussed in Section 10. Late in 2003 and early in 2004, the United States completed negotiations of the U.S.-Central America, U.S.-Dominican Republic, U.S.-Australia and U.S.-Morocco FTAs, which are now being readied for Congressional approval and implementation. The United States has also launched, but not yet completed, FTA negotiations with Southern Africa, recently launched negotiations with Bahrain and Panama and will soon begin negotiations with Colombia. As well, the United States is working to reinvigorate the Doha Development Agenda negotiations at the World Trade Organization and negotiations to create a Free Trade Area of the Americas. These agreements and negotiations are important not only for the trade and investment liberalization that they bring, but also in maintaining a level playing field, as many of the United States’ trading partners, particularly the European Union (EU), Canada and Mexico, have embarked on a series of bilateral free trade agreements that provide special benefits to their farmers, manufacturers, service providers and workers to the exclusion of the United States. While progress at the global level, i.e., the WTO, is the greatest prize, it has also been particularly elusive, such that the work at the bilateral, subregional and regional level remains of great interest. Renewal of the Trade Promotion Authority Framework Almost 10 years after is expiration in 1994, Congress passed and the President signed into law trade promotion authority legislation as part of the Trade Act of 2002, Pub. L. 107-210. The Bipartisan Trade Promotion Authority Act of 2002 (TPA Act) revives and extends trade-negotiating authority legislation (formerly called “fast track”), which was developed over two decades ago as part of the Trade Act of 1974. TPA authority expires with respect to agreements entered into after July 1, 2005, unless the President requests an extension of this authority no later than March 1, 2005 and neither House passes a disapproval resolution before June 30, 2005, as explained in more detail below. TPA serves several purposes, including setting forth:
Prior to the renewal of TPA in 2002, trade-negotiating authority procedures were used by Congress to consider five different trade agreements, all of which were approved and implemented: the GATT Tokyo Round Agreements (implemented by the Trade Act of 1979), the U.S.-Israel Free Trade Agreement (1985), the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement (1989), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (1993), and the Uruguay Round Agreements (1994). In 2003, TPA procedures were used by Congress to consider both the U.S.-Chile and the U.S.-Singapore FTAs, which were approved in July 2003 and entered into force in January 2004. Major Provisions Duration: Provides TPA authority for agreements entered into before June 1, 2005, with potential two-year extension. TPA procedures are extended for two years if the President requests extension and neither House adopts an extension disapproval resolution (considered under expedited procedures) prior to June 30, 2005. Negotiating Objectives: Provides the most extensive negotiating objectives ever included in a trade-negotiating authority bill and specifically directs the Administration to seek agreements that:
Promotion of Other Priorities: Directs the President to pursue additional priorities, including to:
Progress towards Negotiating Objectives: Provides that no trade agreement may qualify for expedited procedures unless its “makes progress” in meeting the applicable negotiating objectives and the President fulfills the consultations requirements. President is also required to report to Congress on how the final agreement makes progress towards the bill’s objectives. Expedited Procedures: Authorizes expedited procedures as contained in the original trade-negotiating authority legislation for implementing bills that contain provisions “necessary or appropriate” to implement the underlying trade agreement. Procedures require that 45 session days after an implementing bill is introduced, the relevant House committee(s) must report the implementing bill (without amendment) or be automatically discharged. The Senate committee(s) must report the bill (without amendment) or be automatically discharged 15 session days after its receipt from the House or 45 session days after its introduction, whichever is later. The implementing bill can be considered for up to 20 hours, without amendment on both the House and Senate floors. A chart showing the TPA timeline is provided below:
Congressional Consultations: Provides extensive provisions for Congressional consultations beyond that included in prior trade-negotiating authority legislation, including the establishment of a permanent Congressional Oversight Group (COG) to provide ongoing oversight of negotiations. TPA Act provides that TPA procedures are not applicable if both Houses separately agree to procedural disapproval resolutions (under expedited floor procedures) for lack of notice or consultations within 60 days of each other. Extension Procedures Pursuant to the TPA Act, the authority only applies to agreements entered into prior to July 1, 2005, unless the President requests an extension no later than March 1, 2005 and neither House adopts a disapproval resolution prior to June 1, 2005. In submitting his request for an extension, the President is also required to describe the trade agreements that have already been negotiated pursuant to this authority and their schedule for Congressional review and approval, the progress made in other negotiations that justifies a continuation of this authority and a statement as to why the extension is required to complete these negotiations. The TPA Act also requires the Advisory Committee for Trade Policy and Negotiations (ACTPN) to report to Congress no later than May 1, 2005 its views of the President’s extension request. As well, the International Trade Commission (ITC) is required to submit a written report to Congress no later than May 1, 2005 providing a review and analysis of the economic impact of the trade agreements implemented following enactment of the TPA Act and preceding the date of the President’s request for an extension. Following the President’s submission of his extension request, any Member of Congress may introduce a resolution disapproving the extension of TPA procedures. Such resolutions will be referred in the House to the Committee on Ways and Means and the Committee on Rules and in the Senate to the Committee on Finance. Floor consideration of such a disapproval resolution may only occur if reported by the Committee to which it was referred. If considered on the House or Senate floor, the expedited procedures for floor consideration apply. If neither the House nor the Senate passes a disapproval resolution before June 1, 2005, TPA authority is extended to agreements negotiated prior to July 1, 2007. Importance of TPA Renewal The renewal of TPA authority through July 1, 2007 is important to: (1) enhance U.S. leadership on trade and the President’s ability to conclude negotiations with foreign trading partners; (2) facilitate Congress’ consideration and implementation of such agreements; and (3) provide for greater Administration-Congressional consultations on issues where both the President and the Congress have overlapping constitutional prerogatives. As explained in greater detail below, the Administration is engaged in several important negotiations that will not be concluded before the June 30, 2005 deadline set in the TPA legislation. Failing to renew this authority will undermine the Administration’s ability to play a leadership role in key negotiations, including most importantly at the WTO. ECAT POSITION: ECAT strongly supports the renewal of TPA authority for an additional two years to enable the United States to continue to pursue the completion of the Doha Development Agenda and comprehensive and commercially -meaningful FTA agreements. Recently Completed Free Trade Agreement Negotiations Following enactment of TPA, the Bush Administration embarked on a very active agenda to negotiate free trade agreements on a bilateral and subregional level. In 2003, agreements with Chile and Singapore were reached and approved by the U.S. Congress, such that the United States now has FTAs with six countries.
In 2003 and 2004, the Bush Administration embarked on or announced negotiations with an additional 18 countries and announced Middle East and Andean FTA initiatives. Negotiations with five Central America countries have now been concluded as part of the U.S.-Central American FTA, as have negotiations with Australia and Morocco. These agreements are discussed below. Ongoing negotiations of other bilateral and subregional negotiations are discussed at the end of this section. The following chart summarizes the status of U.S. FTA negotiations as of the end of April 2004:
U.S.-Central American and Dominican Republic FTA On December 17, 2003, the United States and El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua completed negotiations to create a U.S.-Central American FTA, less than one-year after such negotiations were initiated on January 8, 2003. On January 25, the United States and Costa Rica completed negotiations to bring Costa Rica into the U.S.-Central American FTA. On February 20, 2004, the President notified Congress of his intent to sign this FTA, which, under TPA procedures can occur no earlier than May 20, 2004. On March 15, 2004, the United States and the Dominican Republic completed negotiations to bring the Dominican Republic into the U.S.-Central American FTA. The agreement with the Dominican Republic was notified to Congress on March 25th and can be signed no earlier than June 23, 2004. The Administration has not formally indicated whether it will seek to sign the agreements at the same time or separately. In either event, it appears likely that the Central American FTA and Dominican Republic FTA will be submitted as one agreement to Congress. With the conclusion of the Central American and Dominican Republic negotiations, the United States has taken another important step in its 20-year policy of economic engagement with Central America and the Caribbean. For two decades, the United States has unilaterally opened its markets to most goods from Central America and the Dominican Republic, as part of its broader Caribbean Basin initiatives. And it has done so with overwhelming bipartisan Congressional support.
As a result of these and other programs, about 75 percent of Central American exports are duty-free. With the completion of the U.S.-Central American FTA, including the Dominican Republic, the United States now has the opportunity to make that relationship reciprocal and implement an agreement that will not only further open U.S. markets, but will substantially open markets in Central America and the Caribbean for U.S. farm products, U.S. manufactured exports, and U.S. services. Major Provisions Among the primary provisions of the U.S.-Central American and Dominican Republic FTA are the following:
Opportunities Created While these six countries are relatively small, they represent a big market for U.S. goods and services. They represent our 13th largest export market, exceeding U.S. exports to such economies as Italy, Ireland, Brazil, Malaysia, Australia and Hong Kong. It is already our 2nd largest export market in Latin America (after Mexico). Two-way trade equals over $30 billion, making the trade relationship on a par with U.S. trade with Singapore and the Netherlands. U.S. products already account for about 50 percent of Central America’s imports. Central America and the Dominican Republic are already an important export market for American electrical machinery, high technology, motor vehicles, chemicals, energy, food, agricultural products, paper, textiles and fertilizer. U.S. services exports total more than $2 billion. But this agreement is about much more than trade and investment. This agreement can help strengthen democracy and the rule of law in a region that was wrecked by civil war not that long ago. This agreement can help promote economic development and the reduction of poverty for countries with an average per capita income of less than $1700 a year and from where many come to the United States in search of economic opportunity. While the FTA will not cure these problems, it represents a force for positive change by generating new economic opportunities, new investment and new hope for the region. Expanded commercial relations with the United States based on growing trade and investment flows may be the most effective way for the United States to help these countries raise their standard of living. This agreement also represents an example of how the United States can reach an FTA with six developing countries. It will build relationships that will be important not only as efforts at regional integration continue, but also for our interests at the WTO and our broader national interests. In one of the most important sectors, textiles and apparel, the benefits of this agreement can best be promoted if it is implemented in 2004. If nothing changes, the elimination of global quotas on textiles and apparel in December 2004 will make Central American textiles and apparel less competitive as global competition compels many purchasers to move orders away from Central America. This will have devastating effects particularly on Central American producers, but also on U.S. textile producers who will lose substantial opportunities and business in their biggest export market. Congressional approval of the U.S.-Central American and Dominican Republic FTA this year is our primary opportunity to change that scenario – to promote not only opportunities for U.S. farmers, companies and workers – but to foster economic growth and security in our own neighborhood. Inclusion of Strong Labor and Environment Provisions Claims by some that the labor and environmental standards contained in the U.S.-Central American and Dominican Republic FTA are not strong enough ignore both the TPA framework established in 2002 and the strong labor and environmental standards these countries have on their books. It also ignores the positive developments that the economic engagement policy this agreement represents can have on further improvements in the labor and environmental situation in Central America and the Caribbean. As discussed above, the TPA framework directs U.S. negotiators to seek provisions requiring FTA partners to enforce effectively their labor and environmental rules. This language represents a compromise between two very different views: that labor and environmental rules should not be the subject at all of a trade agreement or that a country’s failure to improve its labor and environmental conditions should constitute a violation of a trade agreement subject to sanctions. The carefully constructed compromise represented by the Trade Act of 2002 reflects movement on both sides that should not be lightly discarded. As, or perhaps more, importantly, is the fact that these countries have very strong standards such that the enforceability provisions of this agreement are most appropriate. In the case of labor, for example, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic have ratified all eight ILO core labor conventions and El Salvador has ratified six of the eight ILO core labor conventions. The United States has only ratified two ILO core conventions (on the worst forms of child labor (C. 182) and forced labor (C.29)). As detailed in the ILO’s two reports, Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: A Labour Law Study – Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, ILO (Oct. 2003) and Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: A Labour Law Study – Dominican Republic, ILO (Jan. 2004), the constitutions and national laws of each of these six countries incorporate high standards of protection for labor rights, including many of the core ILO labor principles. In addition, the national laws of each of these countries also guarantee high standards for labor rights on the core issues of freedom of association and collective bargaining, forced labor, child labor, and discrimination. The ILO has identified specific areas where laws could be and should be improved, and that is an issue that each of the Central American countries is currently evaluating. Notably, the United States has been unable to ratify all but two of the ILO core conventions, including both conventions on freedom of association and collective bargaining, because of issues with respect to whether its own laws (e.g., right-to-work laws, striker replacement, lack of child labor laws in many states) are fully compliant with the specific ILO conventional standards, although it is commonly agreed that U.S. labor standards are among the highest in the world. The U.S.-Central American and Dominican Republic FTA and related work on capacity building have the ability to strengthen and broaden the labor rights protections in each of these countries through new commercial opportunities, investment and technical assistance. USTR also issued a capacity building grant of $6.75 million to the Foundation for Peace and Democracy to help promote working conditions in Central America. With respect to the environment, these six countries have generally adopted -- both through multilateral environmental agreements and their laws -- high standards of protection for the environment. Improvements can be made, but a few key facts stand out. These countries are party to many of the key multilateral agreements, including:
Each of the countries has also adopted a general framework law on the environment addressing air, water, land and biodiversity. Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua have adopted a full complement of domestic environmental protection in 1995, 1997 and 1996 respectively. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency has engaged in numerous technical support and other activities to help develop and strengthen environmental laws in Central America. In addition, the Central American and Dominican Republic FTA include a citizen submission process to provide non-governmental entities the ability to raise concerns about a country’s failure to enforce its environmental laws. The failure to implement the FTA, on the other hand, will at best maintain the status quo. It will not improve labor or environmental conditions and could actually worsen the situation if the result is a flight of U.S. investment and a deteriorating economic situation. Concerns on Intellectual Property Despite the high standards for intellectual property protection contained in the agreement, there is increasing concern about certain countries’ commitment to full intellectual property rights protection. In particular, reports that the Guatemalan government may be repealing its data protection regime and may otherwise halt patent approvals are extremely worrisome, particularly since such actions would not only be inconsistent with the provisions of this FTA, but with Guatemala’s commitments to the World Trade Organization Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property. Next Steps Based on TPA procedures, the U.S.-Central American FTA can be signed as early as May 20, 2004 and the FTA with the Dominican Republic can be signed as early as June 23, 2004. Following the signing of the agreement or agreements, the Administration has up to 60 days to submit a description of changes required to existing law and the U.S. International Trade Commission has up to 90 days to submit its assessment of the agreement. Following the submission of these items, legislation implementing the agreement will be drafted by the Administration and Congress. The TPA timeline on legislative consideration described above only begins when the President formally submits the agreement and the legislation to the Congress. ECAT POSITION: ECAT strongly supports Congress’ implementation of the U.S.-Central American FTA, including the Dominican Republic, as soon as possible. ECAT also urges the countries of Central America and the Dominican Republic to seek improvements in, not weaken, core standards, including with respect to intellectual property rights protection. U.S.-Australia FTA In February 2004, the United States and Australia completed FTA negotiations, less than one year after they were initiated in March 2003. On February 13, 2004, the President notified Congress of his intent to sign this FTA, which, under TPA procedures, can occur no earlier than May 13, 2004. Major Provisions Among the primary provisions of the U.S.-Australia FTA are the following:
Opportunities Created The U.S.-Australia FTA represents a groundbreaking agreement by eliminating virtually all agricultural and manufacturing tariffs between the countries on the first day of implementation. This is the most front-loaded FTA that the United States has concluded. As a result, it will provide immediately upon implementation concrete benefits to U.S. farmers, manufacturers and their employees, and the U.S. economy. Key manufacturing sectors that will benefit include autos and auto parts, chemicals, construction equipment, electrical machinery, fabricated metal products, information technology goods, medical and scientific equipment, and paper and wood products. In agriculture, the FTA will substantially expand access for U.S. farmers and producers of soybeans and oilseeds, fruits, vegetables and certain processed foods. U.S. service providers and investors will also enjoy expanded access in a number of important sectors. Australia is already the United States’ 21st largest trading partner and its 13th largest export market, accounting for $12.5 billion in U.S. exports in 2003. Differences from Other FTAs In addition to being the most front-loaded of any U.S. FTA as discussed above, the U.S.-Australia FTA deviates from other recently concluded FTAs in at least four other major respects: First, it is not comprehensive, by failing to provide any increased access, let alone tariff-free access, to the U.S. sugar market for Australian sugar exports. This represents a significant deviation from a policy of no exclusions and has already resulted in requests by other sectors to be excluded from the next round of FTAs and the FTAA. Second, the FTA fails to include investor-state dispute settlement provisions, rendering the investment chapter effectively unenforceable except through a state-to-state process that is too often politicized. Obviously, U.S. investors will still have recourse to Australia’s advanced legal system, with its respected judiciary, but the specific provisions in the FTA on investment will not, as in other FTAs, be enforceable by the investors. Australia’s refusal to accept this provision, particularly after it was just included in Australia’s FTA with Singapore puts U.S. companies at a competitive disadvantage. The FTA contemplates that the availability of an investor-state dispute settlement mechanism can be revisited. The investment chapter also fails to provide any protections for investment agreements, which represent one of the most significant forms of U.S. investment abroad. Third, the FTA makes progress, but fails to reduce fully, the barriers created by Australia’s investment screening mechanism. This is particularly a problem in the area of financial services where Australia retains a significant ability to prevent the U.S. acquisition of a local company. Finally, the FTA’s provisions on market access for textiles and apparel are particularly limited, adopting not only a yarn forward requirement, but also by failing to eliminate tariffs immediately. Next Steps Based on TPA procedures, the U.S.-Australia FTA can be signed as early as May 13, 2004. Following the signing of the agreement, the Administration has up to 60 days to submit a description of changes required to existing law and the U.S. International Trade Commission has up to 90 days to submit its assessment of the agreement. Following the submission of these items, legislation implementing the agreement will be drafted by the Administration and Congress. The TPA timeline on legislative consideration described above only begins when the President formally submits the agreement and the legislation to the Congress. ECAT POSITION: ECAT strongly supports the market-opening opportunities presented by the U.S.-Australia FTA, but remains concerned by its deviation from other recently concluded FTAs in certain key areas. U.S.-Morocco FTA On March 2, 2004, the United States and Morocco completed FTA negotiations, just over a year after negotiations were initiated in January 2003. On March 8, 2004, the President notified Congress of his intent to sign this FTA, which, under TPA procedures can occur no earlier than June 6, 2004. Major Provisions Among the primary provisions of the U.S.-Morocco FTA are the following:
Opportunities Created Morocco is an emerging market with imports from the United States amounting to $497.1 million in 2003. Total Moroccan imports equal approximately $11 billion, most of which are sourced from the European Union. Leading U.S. exports include aircraft, corn, and machinery, and there have been recent increases in U.S. exports of textiles and pharmaceutical products. Nevertheless, significant barriers exist, including an average tariff of over 20 percent on U.S. imports. This agreement is important to create new opportunities for U.S. companies, workers, farmers and their families. The U.S.-Morocco FTA will help U.S. companies, which are currently at a disadvantage with the EU (which has an association agreement with Morocco covering industrial goods). This agreement will also help Morocco lock in key economic reforms, including initiatives to streamline investment procedures and eliminate barriers to investment. Next Steps Based on TPA procedures, the U.S.-Morocco FTA can be signed as early as June 6, 2004. Following the signing of the agreement, the Administration has up to 60 days to submit a description of changes required to existing law and the U.S. International Trade Commission has up to 90 days to submit its assessment of the agreement. Following the submission of these items, legislation implementing the agreement will be drafted by the Administration and Congress. The TPA timeline on legislative consideration described above only begins after the Administration submits the agreed upon implementing legislation for a Congressional vote. ECAT POSITION: ECAT supports Congress’ implementation of the U.S.-Morocco FTA. World Trade Organization Negotiations After several years of discussions and a failed attempt at the Third Ministerial Conference in Seattle, Washington, in 1999, the World Trade Organization (WTO) successfully launched broad new trade-liberalizing negotiations at its Fourth Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar, on November 14, 2001. Efforts to provide forward momentum to conclude those negotiations in 2005 failed, however, at the Fifth Ministerial Conference in Cancun, Mexico, in September 2003. At that Ministerial, WTO member countries were unable to reach agreement on a number of key issues and negotiations are presently stalled. The continuation of the Doha Development Agenda negotiations presents both opportunities and challenges for ECAT and other U.S. companies. The negotiations present prospects of increased market access, and other benefits that will spur economic growth both at home and abroad. At the same time, other countries will seek to carve back on intellectual property protections and other commitments that are already part of the WTO agreements. The United States finds itself at a crossroads as it tries to be a force for greater trade liberalization, while it encounters considerable criticism over its decisions on steel tariffs (now lifted), farm supports and its failure to implement a number of WTO dispute settlement decisions. ECAT and ECAT member companies will intensify their efforts to help the Administration restart and reenergize the WTO negotiations, which stalled this past September. In particular, ECAT will continue to focus its work on several key areas, including dispute settlement, trade remedies, market access, trade facilitation, and work on strengthening the United States’ role in the WTO. Background In the Uruguay Round Agreements establishing the WTO in 1995, WTO members agreed to a “built-in” agenda to start negotiations in agriculture and services no later than the end of 1999. During the intervening years, WTO members discussed the possibility of launching new negotiations, but differences remained on what issues would be addressed. These discussions came to the forefront in 1999 as the WTO unsuccessfully sought to launch negotiations at the Third Ministerial Conference in Seattle. In particular, the United States sought a narrow agenda focused on market access and the built-in agenda negotiations on services and agriculture, while the European Union (EU) and Japan promoted a broad agenda, including new areas such as competition policy and investment. The European Union also opposed any language suggesting that negotiations in agriculture should aim to eliminate export subsidies, as sought by the United States and the Cairns Group of countries. The developing countries favored a narrow agenda, but also sought the opportunity to renegotiate existing agreements in areas such as textiles and antidumping and address implementation issues, as discussed in more depth in section 6. The United States and EU adamantly opposed efforts to reopen existing agreements, and the United States particularly opposed efforts to renegotiate the antidumping and subsidies agreements. These differences were not overcome and negotiations were not launched in 1999. Following the failure of the Seattle Ministerial, WTO Director-General Michael Moore and General Council Chairman Stuart Harbinson worked assiduously to bridge differences between WTO members and broaden the participation of all countries. The United States and EU also worked to reconcile their own differences; for example, the United States agreed not to oppose the EU’s efforts to include competition policy and investment in the new negotiations. The United States worked as well with many developing countries to emphasize the benefits of a new WTO round. In the lead-up to the Doha Ministerial, Harbinson prepared several draft Ministerial Declarations and sought to reach agreement on major issues with interested countries. As a result of these preparations, compromise by WTO members and, in some cases, ambiguous wording, WTO members were well prepared to reach agreement on the Ministerial Declaration and associated documents on implementation (discussed in section 6) and health policy issues (discussed in section 3). Doha Development Agenda The 52-paragraph Ministerial Declaration agreed to in Doha launched a new round of negotiations that began in January 2002 and was scheduled to conclude by January 1, 2005. With the failure to reach agreement at the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun, the Director-General of the WTO has indicated that the 2005 deadline is no longer obtainable. The Doha Declaration covers the following issues:
On February 1, 2002, WTO countries agreed on the organization of the negotiations mandated by the Doha Declaration. Acting as part of the Trade Negotiations Committee (TNC), they agreed to the establishment of seven negotiating bodies on the following issues:
The negotiating groups on agriculture, services, environment, TRIPs and DSU reform are being held in Special Sessions of existing committees and councils. New negotiating bodies were established for non-agricultural market access and rules issues. In addition, the Committee on Trade in Development has held special sessions to consider issues related to special and differential treatment for developing countries. Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the WTO in Cancun The Fifth Ministerial meeting of the WTO in Cancun, Mexico, was expected to reenergize and give a more specific direction to negotiators in all key areas. The draft Declarations sought to define, for example, the framework for negotiations in agriculture and non-agricultural market access and whether to proceed with negotiations in four additional areas – transparency in government procurement, trade facilitation, investment and competition policy. Despite several attempts at compromise, Ministers were unable to agree on a joint Declaration and decisions were, thus, not made with respect to key issues related to the framework for the negotiations going forward. Major sticking points included how ambitious the frameworks would be with regard to the elimination of export subsidies and other trade-distorting support, the elimination of tariffs on agricultural and non-agricultural goods, and whether the negotiations would focus as well on any of the four so-called “Singapore” issues – trade facilitation, transparency in government procurement, investment and competition policy. Following the Cancun Ministerial, the WTO Director-General and key ministers, including the U.S. Trade Representative, consulted widely on how to restart the process and find a way forward. In December 2003, the General Council met to determine how to proceed and it was agreed that negotiations should resume despite the lack of agreed upon frameworks. In an effort to bring momentum to the negotiations, USTR Ambassador Zoellick wrote to all of his fellow WTO Ministers on January 11, 2004, urging a focus in the Doha negotiations on the core WTO issues of market access for agriculture, goods and services, with the following recommendations:
Agriculture Despite the failure of the Seattle Ministerial to launch a new round, WTO negotiations were launched on agriculture on February 7, 2000, pursuant to the built-in agenda mandate of Article 20 of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture. At the Doha Ministerial, compromise language was finally reached, which allowed a broader round of negotiations to be included as part of a single undertaking. In particular, WTO members agreed, “without prejudging the outcome of the negotiations,” to “comprehensive negotiations aimed at: substantial improvements in market access; reductions of, with a view to phasing out, all forms of export subsidies; and substantial reductions in trade-distorting domestic support.” This language met the objectives of the United States and Cairns Group governments on pressing forward on the elimination of export subsidies, but the EU was successful in qualifying these provisions by including the “without prejudging” language as a chapeau. Like much of the Doha Ministerial Declaration, the agricultural section provides that “special and differential treatment” will be “integral” to the negotiations. As well, non-trade issues will be taken into account as provided by the Agreement on Agriculture. Modalities for the agricultural negotiations were to be established by March 31, 2003, and draft schedules to be presented at the Fifth Ministerial. Neither deadline was met and disagreements over the ambitiousness of the modalities (or negotiating framework) that should be pursued were viewed as one of the reasons why the Cancun Ministerial did not result in a final agreement. In July 2002, the United States tabled a far-reaching and comprehensive proposal to expand market access, eliminate export subsidies and reduce domestic support. With regard to export subsidies, the United States proposed:
With regard to market access, the United States proposed:
With regard to domestic support, the United States proposed:
The Cairns Group of agricultural exporting countries and other developing countries made similarly aggressive proposals supporting substantial reform, while the EU, Japan and others made much more limited proposals. In August of 2003, the United States and EU issued a joint proposal on agricultural issues that represented a compromise position, which was criticized by a number of developing countries as lacking sufficient ambition. Although significant progress was made on narrowing the differences between these groups, as represented by the various draft modalities papers and the draft Declarations circulated prior to and during the Cancun Ministerial, a consensus on the level of ambition for the agricultural negotiations has yet to reached. During the Cancun Ministerial, major differences arose between an informal grouping of developing countries led by Brazil (at times called the Group of 21), who sought much greater ambition in eliminating export subsidies and other trade-distorting support, and the EU and Japan, who sought a much more scaled back reduction in such areas. Negotiations on agriculture have yet to be restarted. ECAT supports the stated objective of the United States to secure substantial, progressive reductions in support and protection, including deep cuts in applied tariff rates and elimination of export subsidies. ECAT also supports U.S. efforts to ensure that the world’s agricultural producers can use biotechnology, without fear of trade discrimination either by outright bans or discriminatory and/or burdensome labeling requirements. As proposed by the United States, the agriculture negotiations should aim to reduce tariffs across the board and to reduce the highest tariffs to levels that would not prohibit imports. The negotiations should clarify that tariff-rate quotas are only transitional measures and provide for their phase-out. Sectoral zero-for-zero tariff agreements should also be encouraged. The negotiations should seek a reduction in the aggregate measure of support beyond that agreed in the Uruguay Round. The agreement on domestic support should be structured to provide incentives for market-oriented reform. In addition, the negotiations should strive for an immediate end to export subsidies. The United States also should seek to eliminate the monopoly control of state trading entities (STEs) and discipline their non-market behavior. The monopoly powers of STEs should be ended in ways that ensure the rights of establishment, non-discrimination, and national treatment for foreign and domestic firms. As discussed in section 3 with regard to food issues, ECAT has developed and supports adoption of the Food Chain proposal as a principle to seek to eliminate barriers at all levels of the food chain. Services Services are currently covered in the WTO under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). The GATS covers four "modes of supply" of services, including cross-border delivery of services from one market to another by electronic or other means, establishment of a commercial presence in another market, travel by individuals to foreign markets to supply services, and the provision of a service from one market to the service consumer of another market. WTO members reached a consensus in Seattle in 1999 on services negotiations to extend the coverage of the GATS, agreeing that such negotiations should be comprehensive and not exclude any sector. WTO members also agreed that services market-access discussion would include financial services, computer and related services, telecommunications, professional services, energy services, and distribution. They also agreed to promote pro-competitive, non-discriminatory domestic regulatory regimes. Notwithstanding the failure of the Seattle Ministerial, the WTO launched services negotiations on February 25, 2000, in accordance with the “built-in agenda” mandated by Article XIX of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). At the Doha Ministerial, ministers reaffirmed the Guidelines and set the following deadlines:
Services were one of the least controversial areas considered during the Cancun Ministerial. Prior to and during the Ministerial, the United States and other countries continued to press countries who had not yet made offers to do so and to make significant offers of market opening. Developing countries have criticized the United States as a result of its failure to make any substantial commitments with respect to mode 4 – temporary entry of persons. ECAT supports efforts to expand significantly the liberalization commitments under the GATS. In particular, ECAT supports efforts by the United States to have the WTO agree on a negotiating strategy that aims to narrow reservations, as a means to secure broader, more meaningful market-access commitments, and on the liberalization identified in the U.S. proposal. In addition, ECAT supports global commitments to:
In the information technology service sector, continued efforts must be made to achieve full market access and national-treatment commitments for all services related to information technology, including consulting, software-related services, data-processing services, database services, information technology outsourcing, web hosting, application hosting, information technology security services, computer maintenance and repair, customer support, information technology training, and other related services. It is critical, as well, that liberalization be taken at the highest level across modes 1, 2 and 3 (cross-border trade, consumption abroad and physical presence), rather than for sub-sectors. It will also be increasingly important to seek greater liberalization of basic and value-added telecommunications services. In addition, negotiations should ensure that broadly defined market-access commitments apply to services and software made available over the Internet and to other evolving information technology services, which evolve too rapidly to keep pace with trade designations. In addition, WTO members should commit not to erect new regulatory or technical obstacles in this area. The establishment of transparent, impartial regulatory regimes in local markets is also essential to make the existing GATS national treatment provisions and market-access commitments meaningful and to promote the international competitiveness of service providers. Non-agricultural Market Access At Doha, WTO Ministers also agreed to launch negotiations on market access for non-agricultural goods to “reduce or as appropriate eliminate tariffs, including the reduction or elimination of tariff peaks, high tariffs, and tariff escalation, as well as non-tariff barriers.” This issue, which was not part of the “built-in agenda,” was a primary goal of the United States in the launch of the new negotiations. The Declaration specified that product coverage would be “comprehensive” with nothing off the table. Like other parts of the Declaration, it emphasized that the special needs of the least developed countries be considered and that appropriate studies and capacity-building measures be included. The WTO Negotiating Group on Non-Agricultural Market Access set forth its work plan requesting proposals for approaches on the negotiations to be submitted between November 1 and December 31, 2002, and established May 31, 2003, as the deadline for an agreement on the modalities. The Negotiating Group also agreed to provide information on the types of non-tariff barriers that should be addressed by January 31, 2003, and to reach a consensus on approaches to address non-tariff barriers by May 31, 2003. On November 26, 2002, the United States proposed a comprehensive and forward-leaning approach that would eliminate all non-agricultural tariffs by 2015. This proposal set forth two steps: First, WTO members would eliminate tariffs at or below 5 percent by 2010 and cut all other tariffs through a "tariff equalizer" formula to less than 8 percent by 2010. Tariffs in certain highly traded industry sectors should be eliminated as soon as possible, but not later than 2010. Second, WTO members would make equal annual cuts in remaining tariffs between 2010 and 2015, resulting in zero tariffs. U.S. tariffs cost American consumers $18 billion in 2000. A University of Michigan study found that the U.S. economy would expand by $95 billion as a result of tariff-free trade. At the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun, efforts to reach a consensus on the modalities with respect to non-agricultural market access eluded WTO members. The United States and some other countries sought an ambitious framework that would lead to the elimination of tariffs and address non-tariff barriers. Other countries sought a much less ambitious framework . The first round of negotiations subsequent to the Cancun Ministerial was held at the end of March 2004. ECAT strongly supports efforts to eliminate tariffs and non-tariff barriers worldwide. Tariffs distort efficient trade flows to the detriment of both the exporting and importing countries. Tariff elimination can represent an important force in the spurring of economic growth, as the elimination of tariffs under the 1997 WTO Information Technology Agreement (ITA) did for industries producing and consuming information technology products. ECAT strongly supports the inclusion of all WTO members in the ITA and the expansion of that agreement to cover other products and non-tariff barriers. ECAT also supports the Accelerated Tariff Liberalization (ATL) initiative, started in the Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, to eliminate tariffs on chemicals, energy products, environmental products, fish, forest products, gems and jewelry, medical and scientific equipment, and toys; these eight sectors represent a balanced package and reflect the interests of both developed and developing countries. These sectors accounted for approximately one-third of total U.S. industrial exports in 2001. WTO Rules – Antidumping and Countervailing Duty One of the most contentious issues at the Seattle Ministerial was whether to include negotiations on WTO trade remedy rules (e.g., antidumping and countervailing duty provisions). The United States strongly opposed such negotiations, while Japan, Korea, Brazil and other countries strongly sought the inclusion of these issues into any new negotiation. In Doha, Ministers reached a carefully worded agreement to open negotiations on the agreements on antidumping and subsidies and countervailing measures. The Declaration states that negotiations are aimed “at clarifying and improving disciplines” under these agreements, “while preserving the basic concepts, principles and effectiveness of these Agreements and their instruments and objectives, and taking into account the needs of developing and least-developed participants.” The Declaration also directed negotiators to indicate in the initial phase of the negotiations, which disciplines they seek to clarify. In October 2002, the United States submitted its paper identifying four core principles:
In November 2002, the United States proposed methods to improve investigatory procedures in antidumping and countervailing duty investigations, including through greater transparency. In March 2003, the United States submitted a paper identifying several substantive areas where additional clarification and improvement in WTO antidumping rules may be required to:
Simultaneously, the United States submitted a paper identifying several substantive areas where additional clarification and improvement in WTO subsidies rules may be required, including:
The “Friends of Antidumping” group (including Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Hong Kong, Israel, Japan, Korea, Mexico, Norway, Singapore, Switzerland, Taiwan, Thailand and Turkey) has made several proposals to modify the Antidumping Agreement to ensure that it does not impose unnecessary burdens on exporters and importers. Other papers have been tabled on subsidies and the relationship of these rules to regional free trade agreements. In 2003, the Rules Group held five formal sessions. Since its inception, it has received 143 papers, most of them identifying issues for discussion. Rules issues were generally not at the heart of the discussions at the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun. It is expected that discussions will continue to focus on identifying particular issues, including increasing transparency with respect to regional trade agreements. ECAT has long supported the inclusion of these issues as part of the new round of negotiations – both to ensure that negotiations go forward and to ensure that these rules do not impose unnecessary costs or burdens on U.S. companies, their workers or the U.S. economy. ECAT supports reforms of these rules in a manner that promotes balance between the interests of the petitioning industry and the interests of other U.S. industries and consumers as discussed further in section 3. Trade Facilitation UNCTAD estimates that the average customs transaction involves 20 to 30 different parties, 40 documents, and the entry of 200 data elements. With the lowering of average tariffs around the globe, the cost of complying with customs requirements can exceed the cost of duties paid. The 1996 Singapore Ministerial declaration established a WTO work program to assess the scope of WTO rules concerning simplification of trade procedures. While WTO rules contain a number of provisions that require transparency and minimum procedural standards in trade administration, with the exception of customs valuation of goods, there are no specific WTO provisions governing customs procedures. The United States, the EU, Korea, and Switzerland have long supported the negotiation of a WTO agreement on trade facilitation aimed at reducing and simplifying administrative barriers to import and export transactions, and they proposed that trade facilitation negotiations be included in a new trade round. A number of developing country WTO members oppose such negotiations on the grounds that they do not have the resources to modernize their customs operations to implement such an agreement. These countries have proposed that instead of a new WTO agreement, the WTO should establish a comprehensive technical assistance program in trade facilitation in coordination with other organizations such as the World Customs Organization. At the Doha Ministerial, Ministers agreed that negotiations on trade facilitation would take place after the Fifth Ministerial Conference in 2003 on the basis of a consensus on the modalities of the negotiations. In the interim, the Declaration instructed the Council for Trade in Goods to review and clarify the existing GATT agreement and to identify the trade facilitation needs and priorities of Members, in particular developing and least-developed countries. Member countries also committed themselves to ensuring technical assistance and support for capacity-building. During 2002, the Council on Trade in Goods held several meetings to identify the trade facilitation needs and priorities of WTO members, while also seeking to ensure adequate capacity-building and technical assistance. At the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun, no agreement was reached on launching negotiations on trade facilitation, with some countries arguing that the WTO should only focus on its core issues. As explained above, the United States has proposed that negotiations on trade facilitation be launched on only this one of the four Singapore issues. This proposal reflects the fact that the widespread adoption of common rules on trade facilitation will have a very substantial positive impact on the global trading system and individual countries, whether developing or developed. ECAT supports the adoption of a binding WTO agreement on trade facilitation, based on the rules contained in the International Convention on the Simplification and Harmonization of Customs Procedures (Kyoto Convention), a work program on trade facilitation, and a commitment to simplify rules of origin. The United States should urge the WTO to support the efforts of the World Customs Organization to strengthen the Kyoto Convention. The United States should propose that the revised convention be used as a basis to develop a set of binding rules establishing high standards for customs procedures to be adopted by WTO members. Transparency in Government Procurement The 1996 Singapore Ministerial Declaration established a working group to conduct a study on transparency in government procurement practices and to develop elements for inclusion in an appropriate agreement. The United States had hoped to gain consensus on moving forward with an agreement on transparency in government procurement at the Seattle Ministerial. The effort was stalled when developing countries refused to agree to Japanese and European demands that the agreement include commitments to provide greater market access to foreign suppliers as well as greater transparency in government procurement practices. The Doha Ministerial Declaration provides that negotiations on transparency in government procurement will take place after the Fifth WTO Ministerial Conference on the basis of a “consensus” to be reached on the modalities of the negotiations. The Declaration specified that negotiations would be limited to transparency and not address market-access issues. The Declaration also provides that member countries commit to provide adequate technical assistance and support for capacity-building. The Working Group made progress in 2002 in identifying the key elements of a potential agreement, including:
The Working Group also discussed technical assistance and capacity-building needs. Efforts by the United States and others to launch negotiations of an Agreement on Transparency in Government Procurement at the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun were not successful. Some countries, particularly developing countries, opposed significant new obligations in areas beyond the core market access issues of agriculture, industrial goods and services. Most of the developing country concern was directed at the investment and competition issues discussed in this section. There are certainly a number of developing countries that would welcome negotiations on transparency in government procurement as a way to help reform their own systems, which may be underdeveloped and/or corrupt. Developing country support for such provisions was evidenced most recently by the inclusion of core transparency in government procurement provisions by the six developing countries that agreed to the U.S.-Central American and Dominican Republic FTA discussed above. Moreover, the EU, which opposed movement on a Procurement Transparency Agreement in Doha and insisted that it be included in the package of Singapore issues, has recently changed its position and would support a consensus to move forward on transparency along with trade facilitation. ECAT strongly supports negotiations in the WTO of a government procurement transparency agreement. It is a critical area not only for U.S. commercial interests, but to help all countries develop an open, rules-based system and to help stem corruption, which represents a very significant impediment to economic development and the reduction of poverty throughout the world. Efforts to lump together and then exclude from the negotiations all of the so-called Singapore issues – investment, competition policy, trade facilitation and transparency in government procurement – fail to recognize the widely differing views that many developing countries have with respect to each of these issues. Efforts should continue to help separate the transparency issue and the trade facilitation issue, which can and should move forward in the WTO, from the investment and competition policy issues, where there is widespread opposition. Investment The EU has long sought the inclusion of investment issues as part of new WTO negotiations. At the First Ministerial in Singapore in 1996, the WTO agreed to set up working groups on investment. In Doha, Ministers agreed to new negotiations to begin after the Fifth Ministerial Conference based on a consensus agreement to be reached at that Ministerial. The Doha Declaration directed the Working Group on the Relationship between Trade and Investment to focus on clarifying the following issues: scope and definition, transparency, and non-discrimination; modalities for pre-establishment commitments based on a GATS-type, positive-list approach; development provisions; exceptions and balance-of-payments safeguards; and consultation and the settlement of disputes between Members. The Working Group held several meetings in 2002 at which WTO members expressed divergent views. The EU and Japan continue to strongly advocate the launch of negotiations, while some developing countries are less inclined. The United States has looked for a middle position, proposing a focus on such core principles as transparency and non-discrimination. WTO members also continue to debate the scope of an investment agreement, with the United States advocating a broad-based definition of investment that addresses commercial realities. At the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun, the issue of investment arose as a particularly difficult issue, as many WTO members viewed it as too far beyond the core mandate of the WTO. As indicated above, the United States proposed in January 2004 not to pursue negotiations on investment in the WTO at this time. The EU has proposed that negotiations on investment, like the other Singapore issues, could be accomplished through a plurilateral agreement as opposed to a single undertaking. ECAT supports a continuing effort to build a consensus on investment issues, but not to launch WTO negotiations at this time. Competition Policy Like investment, the EU has long sought the inclusion of competition policy issues as part of new WTO negotiations. At the First Ministerial in Singapore in 1996, the WTO agreed to set up working groups on these issues. In Doha, Ministers agreed to new negotiations on competition policy to begin after the Fifth Ministerial Conference based on a consensus agreement to be reached at that Ministerial. On competition policy, the Declaration directed the Working Group on the Relationship between Trade and Competition Policy to focus on clarifying the following issues: core principles, including transparency, non-discrimination and procedural fairness, and provisions on hardcore cartels; modalities for voluntary cooperation; and support for progressive reinforcement of competition institutions in developing countries through capacity-building. As with investment, there remains disagreement about the inclusion of these issues. The Working Group held several meetings in 2002 and received numerous documents on issues identified in the Declaration. The United States submitted papers on U.S. experience in providing technical assistance on antitrust issues, cartels, voluntary cooperation, transparency, non-discrimination and procedural fairness. At the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun, there was little support beyond the EU for beginning negotiations on issues related to competition policy, as many WTO members viewed it as too far beyond the core mandate of the WTO. As indicated above, the United States proposed in January 2004 not to pursue negotiations on competition policy in the WTO at this time. The EU has proposed that negotiation on competition policy, like the other Singapore issues, could be accomplished through a plurilateral agreement as opposed to a single undertaking. ECAT supports a continuing effort to build a consensus on competition policy issues, but not to launch WTO negotiations at this time. Electronic Commerce Electronic commerce or e-commerce is an increasingly important venue for international trade that is now used in all sectors of the economy and will become increasingly important in the first decade of the millennium. Industry analysts estimate that e-commerce will generate more than $3 trillion in sales by 2003 and that in the next five years nearly half of the U.S. workforce will be employed by industries that sell their products online. One of the biggest challenges for the WTO will be to ensure that the Internet economy is allowed to flourish and support the growth of the global economy. There are many barriers that can impede the growth of e-commerce, including conflicting national regulations on e-commerce regarding privacy standards, the imposition of duties on Internet commerce, and market-access barriers to various goods and services that are needed to create the infrastructure for electronic commerce. It is important that the WTO, in close coordination with other relevant international institutions and the U.S. business community, be ready to address the potentially wide range of barriers to e-commerce. The WTO work program on e-commerce is an important venue for continuing the examination of the trade-related aspects of e-commerce, although efforts should be made to address these issues in bilateral and regional agreements as well. Also of key importance to the growth of e-commerce is the early ratification and implementation of the WIPO “Internet” treaties. At the Second WTO Ministerial in 1998, Ministers urged the General Council to establish a work program on e-commerce. The General Council adopted the plan for this work program in September 1998, which directed a series of discussions to be held in the Goods, Services, and Intellectual Property Councils and Trade and Development Committee. In November 2000, the WTO General Council failed to reach consensus on the establishment of an e-commerce working party as sought by the United States, Canada and Japan, largely because of opposition by the EU. As a result, the WTO General Council and separate Councils have continued to explore how best to address e-commerce issues in accordance with the work program. At the Doha Ministerial, Ministers agreed to continue the existing e-commerce work program and directed the General Council to consider the most appropriate institutional arrangements for considering e-commerce and to maintain the current moratorium on the imposition of customs duties on electronic transmissions until the Fifth Ministerial. The Work Program on Electronic Commerce met throughout 2002 and 2003, focusing on issues such as the classification of certain electronically downloadable products (as services or goods). With the lack of a substantive declaration at the Fifth Ministerial in Cancun, the moratorium on the imposition of customs duties was not formally extended. ECAT strongly supports efforts to ensure that trade and investment rules promote and do not inhibit the growth of e-commerce. In addressing e-commerce, several principles should guide negotiators. First, current WTO obligations, rules, disciplines and commitments (e.g., the GATT, General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs)) should apply to e-commerce. Second, goods and services delivered electronically should receive no less favorable treatment than goods and services delivered in physical form. Third, governments should refrain from imposing trade and other barriers that unnecessarily impede e-commerce. As well, efforts should continue to develop strong intellectual property protection rules. E-commerce issues are also discussed above with respect to services and non-agricultural goods market access. Environment The WTO Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE) was established in 1995. The committee’s mandate is to make recommendations on what changes should be made to WTO rules to encourage a positive interaction between trade and environment measures and to avoid protectionism. The CTE’s work is discussed in more detail in Section 6. At the 2001 Ministerial Conference in Doha, Ministers agreed to launch negotiations on the following issues:
The CTE was also directed to focus on the following issues and recommend, where appropriate, the desirability of future negotiations: (1) the effect of environmental measures on market access and those areas where the reduction or elimination of trade restrictions would benefit trade, the environment and development; (2) relevant provisions of the TRIPs; and (3) labeling requirements for environmental purposes. The Ministerial Declaration also emphasized the importance of technical assistance and capacity-building. In addition, in the paragraph on rules, member countries also agreed to clarify and improve disciplines on fisheries subsidies in the context of the negotiations, while taking into account the importance of this sector to developing countries. The CTE in Special Session commenced negotiations on these issues in 2002. Throughout 2002 and 2003, WTO members expressed differing views on the scope of the mandate, whether the mandate should be defined and how to phase the negotiations. Based on a U.S. proposal, much of the discussion in 2003 regarding MEAs and WTO rules focused on six MEAs that contain explicit trade obligations: (1) Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES); (2) the Montreal Protocol on Ozone Depleting Substances; (3) the Basel Convention on Hazardous Wastes; (4) the Cartegna Protocol on Biosafety; (5) the Rotterdam Convention on Prior Informed Consent; and (6) the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants. Members also generally agreed on the need for finding additional mechanisms to enhance communication and cooperation with MEA secretariats. Members agreed that certain MEA secretariats could be invited on an ad hoc basis to observe the sessions of the CTE in Special Session. With respect to market access for environmental goods and services, WTO members discussed and made proposals for defining what constituted environmental goods and services, starting with the APEC and OECD definitions. In 2003, the United States proposed modalities for the negotiations, suggesting that a core list of environmental goods be identified for which all members would make concessions and an additional list that would not require full participation by all WTO members. ECAT supports efforts to pursue complementary trade and environmental objectives, including, in particular, the reduction and elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers to environmental goods and services. ECAT also strongly supports increased transparency and communication between the WTO and MEA secretariats. ECAT strongly supports efforts by WTO members to ensure that there is a positive relationship between WTO rules and MEA trade provisions and, in particular, that efforts are made to prevent disguised protectionism that will undermine growth in trade and investment that is critical to raising environmental standards worldwide. Intellectual Property Rights Much of the discussion about intellectual property rights issues in the lead-up to the Doha Ministerial concerned (1) developing countries’ requests to delay implementation of their commitments under the TRIPs Agreement, and (2) views that the TRIPs Agreement somehow undermined countries’ ability to protect the public health, particularly in the case of health-care crises such as the AIDs epidemic in Africa. With regard to implementation issues (as discussed in more depth in sections 6 and 11), the Ministers were unable to reach agreement in Doha on how to address such concerns. As a result, these issues will be treated as part of the negotiations, and the TRIPs Council was directed to report on its attempts to address these issues to the Trade Negotiations Committee by the end of 2002. On public health (as discussed in more depth in Section 3), a separate Declaration was issued to clarify that the TRIPs Agreement should not be interpreted to undermine countries’ ability to take measures to protect public health. Resolution of both the implementation and health issues is viewed as very important by developing countries. In addition to these issues, the Ministers agreed to negotiate the establishment of a multilateral system of notification and registration of geographical indications for wines and spirits by the Fifth Session of the Ministerial Conference. This deadline was not met and it is expected that this issue will continue to be addressed in 2004 and 2005. Dispute Settlement Under the WTO built-in agenda, discussions on reform of the WTO dispute settlement process that began in 1998 were to have been completed in July 1999, but no agreement was reached due to lack of consensus. Efforts to reach a final agreement during the Seattle Ministerial were also unsuccessful. At the November 2001 Doha Ministerial, the Conference agreed to negotiations “on improvements and clarifications of the Dispute Settlement Understanding,” based on the work done thus far and new proposals. The Doha Declaration indicated that agreement should be reached not later than May 2003. The reforms under consideration include shortening the time period for pre-panel consultations, allowing panels to be established on first request, establishing a “compliance panel” to handle disagreements over implementation of panel reports, and delaying retaliation until after a compliance review has been completed. The United States has indicated its willingness to accept these reforms, but wants to include additional transparency measures, such as permitting early publication of non-confidential panel submissions and final panel rulings, opening panel proceedings to the public, and allowing NGOs to file “friends of the court” briefs in dispute settlement cases. In August 2002, the United States proposed measures to increase transparency and public access to dispute settlement proceedings, including through public hearings, public briefs, early public release of panel reports, and rules for the consideration of amicus curiae submissions. In December 2002, the United States (joined by Chile) also proposed several additional changes, including:
Members were unable to reach agreement on a proposal by the May 2003 deadline, which was extended to May 2004 by a decision of the General Council in July 2003.. ECAT strongly supports efforts to reform the WTO dispute settlement system to make it more transparent and make it function more effectively. Importance of WTO Negotiations The Doha Development Agenda has the potential to open markets on a broad range of goods and services that are critical to spur economic growth in the United States and throughout the world. The completed agreements could dramatically change agricultural trade, eliminating export subsidies and creating enormous new market opportunities for U.S. farmers. If U.S. proposals are adopted, it will result in the elimination of all tariffs by 2015 and provide enormous opportunities for U.S. service providers and others. Even if agreement were reached only to cut global tariffs by a third, it would add $177 billion per year to the U.S. economy, equivalent to a $2,500 per year tax cut for the typical family of four. The expected gain from these negotiations for the developing world will also be significant, adding $90 to $190 billion in higher incomes. These economic gains will help promote a dramatically improved standard of living at home and abroad. ECAT POSITION: ECAT strongly supports the Doha Development Agenda agreed to by the WTO in November 2001. ECAT supports comprehensive negotiations on agriculture, services, industrial tariffs and other issues to expand market-access opportunities and reduce and ultimately eliminate barriers across all sectors. ECAT also supports efforts to ensure that WTO provisions are developed and applied in a manner that eliminates barriers to and supports the growth of information technology goods and services. In particular, ECAT supports:
Free Trade Area of the Americas The ongoing Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) negotiations, formally launched in 1998 and set to conclude in 2005, have the potential for creating the largest free trade area in the world, covering approximately 800 million people with a combined GDP of nearly $11 trillion. At the third Summit of the Americas in April 2001, the leaders of the 34 nations negotiating the FTAA agreed that negotiations would be completed by January 2005. In 2002, trade ministers initiated market access negotiations, began a review of the second draft FTAA text and launched a Hemispheric Cooperation Program. The United States, which became a co-chair of the negotiations with Brazil in November 2002, has enormous benefits to reap from the FTAA and will need to play a leadership role to help move negotiations forward. In 2003, the FTAA negotiations took a very different turn, with the 34 leaders agreeing to a two-track process at the Eighth FTAA Ministerial in Miami in November 2003. This was the result of significant disagreements among key countries, including Brazil and MERCOSUR that sought an FTAA focused on market access, as opposed to broader rules, which the United States, Canada and other countries in the Hemisphere have long supported as part of the FTAA process. Total U.S. trade with the Western Hemisphere has more than doubled since 1990 to $760 billion in 2003. The share of the total value of U.S. trade accounted for by countries participating in the FTAA negotiations increased from 33 percent in 1990 to 38 percent in 2003. U.S. exports to the region accounted for 44 percent of total U.S. exports to all destinations in 2003. Background on the Negotiations At the 1994 Miami Summit of the Americas, the United States joined 33 other nations of the Western Hemisphere -- excluding Cuba -- in agreeing to conclude a FTAA by 2005. FTAA negotiations were officially launched at the second Summit of the Americas meeting held in Santiago, Chile, in April 1998. The Santiago Summit Declaration endorsed the start of the FTAA negotiations and reaffirmed the goal of completing negotiations by 2005. It called for concrete progress, including specific business-facilitation measures, to be achieved by 2000. The Declaration states that the FTAA is to be balanced, comprehensive, and WTO-consistent, as well as to constitute a single undertaking (meaning signatories must adhere to all aspects of the agreement). The Declaration further provides that the negotiating process must be transparent and take into account the differences in the level of development and size of the economies in the Americas. The Declaration established the following negotiating groups: market access, agriculture, investment, services, government procurement, dispute settlement, intellectual property rights, subsidies, antidumping and countervailing duties, and competition policy. The following three consultative committees were established to provide support to negotiators: the FTAA Consultative Group on Smaller Economies, the FTAA Committee of Experts on Electronic Commerce, and the FTAA Committee on Civil Society. There is a FTAA Trade Negotiating Committee (TNC) that oversees the entire negotiation process. The FTAA Trade Ministerial in Toronto, Canada, in November 1999 directed negotiators to begin to develop a draft text of an FTAA agreement to be ready for the next ministerial meeting to be held in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in April 2001. Trade ministers also endorsed the launch of a round of WTO trade negotiations and the goal of seeking the complete elimination of agricultural export subsidies. The trade ministers adopted eight customs facilitation measures to be implemented by January 2000. USTR announced the conclusion of an Inter-American Mutual Recognition Agreement (MRA) for conformity assessment of telecommunications equipment. The MRA will simplify the conformity assessment procedures for testing and certification of telecommunications equipment. Throughout 2000, the FTAA negotiating groups met to discuss and put together draft-bracketed texts on each of the issues. The United States submitted comprehensive proposals on each of the main issues. The sixth Ministerial meeting was held in Buenos Aires, followed by the Third Summit of the Americas held in Quebec City in April 2001. Negotiating groups presented a draft text of the FTAA to the Ministers who recommended its public release. For the first time in a major negotiation, the heads of state agreed to the public release of the draft negotiating text, which was made public on July 3, 2001. The Summit also fixed the end date of the negotiations as January 2005, with entry into force as soon as possible, but no later than December 2005. On May 15, 2002, the market access phase of the negotiations was initiated. At the seventh Ministerial in Quito, the second draft FTAA text was presented to ministers and also made public with solicitations for public comment. With the strong leadership of the United States, the ministers also agreed to a Hemispheric Cooperation Program through which countries would identify their capacity-building needs and programs would be developed to assist small and developing countries so that they can fully reap the benefits of the FTAA. In March 2003, the FTAA Administrative Secretariat was moved from Panama to Mexico. Status of the Negotiations and Outlook for 2004 At the Eighth FTAA Ministerial in Miami in November 2003, ministers of the 34 countries agreed to pursue a common set of obligations, while allowing any interested countries to also undertake additional obligations and benefits where there is no consensus at the hemispheric level. The ministers directed that a definition of the comprehensive set of common obligations be prepared, as well as procedures for their negotiation. The creation of what some have called a two-tier approach resulted from concerns that the 34 countries could not bridge significant differences on the level of commitments sought to be obtained within the deadline of the negotiations. In significant part, Brazil and its partners in MERCOSUR, favored a much-reduced set of obligations, particularly in areas beyond market access. Rather than pursuing the FTAA over a longer period of time – while negotiating and consolidating comprehensive and high standard bilateral and sub-regional FTAs (such as the U.S.-Chile FTA, the U.S.-Central American and Dominican Republic FTA and potentially the U.S.-Colombian or Andean FTA) – or pursuing an FTA without those countries that did not want to achieve a comprehensive high-standard agreement, the United States and other countries in the Hemisphere who had sought a more comprehensive and higher standard agreement agreed to this compromise in an effort to realize concrete progress by 2005. As a result of this compromise, however, it is expected that comprehensive protections on investment, state-of-the art intellectual property protections and a negative-list approach to services will not likely be incorporated as part of the common set of obligations. Efforts to reach a consensus on the framework on the common set of obligations, as well as procedures for their negotiation, were not successful at an informal meeting of senior officials in March/April 2004. As a result, the 2004 TNC meeting was delayed for a third time this year. As of late April, a new TNC has not been scheduled. Importance of the FTAA Negotiations As originally conceived, the FTAA negotiations presented an enormous possibility to eliminate barriers to trade and investment in the Western Hemisphere, which already accounts for 38 percent of total U.S. trade and 44 percent of total U.S. exports. A comprehensive and high standard FTAA would provide U.S. farmers, manufacturers and service providers expanded export and investment opportunities that will help sustain U.S. economic growth and the high-standard of living in the United States. Improved disciplines in intellectual property and investment and strong dispute settlement rules would help ensure that U.S. interests are protected. As trade alliances deepen, so too would political, economic and security alliances that are critical to the United States in the century ahead. With the new approach adopted by the 34 ministers in Miami, the opportunities presented by the FTAA are somewhat more ambiguous, but hugely important. Significant commitments in market access for agriculture, services and industrial goods could have very concrete benefits for U.S. farmers, companies and their workers. It can help level the playing field. Much depends on what is left off the table at the end of the day and the extent to which a significant block of countries adopts a comprehensive, high-standard upper tier of commitments that creates inducements over time for Brazil and other countries to agree to such standards. ECAT POSITION: ECAT supports significant progress in eliminating barriers to agriculture, goods and services trade and developing strong, comprehensive protections with respect to investment and intellectual property rights that will promote economic growth and development and the rule of law throughout the Western Hemisphere. Comprehensive and Trade-Oriented Bilateral, Subregional and Regional Free Trade Agreements Following enactment of TPA, the Administration has launched negotiations or announced its intent to negotiate with 18 countries. In addition to the Australia, Central American and Dominican Republic and Morocco FTAs, where negotiations have now been concluded as discussed above, the Administration is engaged in the following ongoing or soon-to-be-initiated bilateral or subregional negotiations:
U.S.-South Africa Customs Union FTA Negotiations The United States launched FTA negotiations in June 2003 with the South African Customs Union (SACU), comprised of South Africa, Botswana, Swaziland, Namibia, and Lesotho. Several negotiating rounds have been held and the Administration hopes to complete negotiations by the end of 2004. The Administration is seeking a comprehensive agreement that will focus on key trade and investment issues. It is seeking to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade and investment, which will also help create new opportunities for the United States and Southern Africa. The SACU already represents the largest U.S. export market in sub-Saharan Africa, with U.S. exports totaling more than $2.7 billion in 2003. Major exports include machinery, vehicles, aircraft, medical instruments, plastics, chemicals, cereals, pharmaceuticals and wood and paper products. ECAT POSITION: ECAT supports the timely completion and implementation of a comprehensive, high-standard and commercially meaningful U.S.-SACU FTA that will liberalize trade and investment. U.S.-Bahrain FTA Negotiations and Middle East Initiative The United States launched FTA negotiations in January 2004 with Bahrain. One negotiating round has been held and the Administration hopes to complete negotiations by mid- to late 2004. The Administration is seeking a comprehensive agreement that will focus on key trade issues. It is seeking to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade and investment, which will also help create new opportunities for the United States and Bahrain. The United States and Bahrain completed a Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) in 1999 that is currently in force. Given the high-standard protections contained in the U.S.-Bahrain BIT, higher in several respects than recent investment chapters in FTAs, ECAT strongly supports the U.S. decision not to renegotiate investment protections as part of its FTA negotiations. In 2003, U.S. goods exports to Bahrain totaled $509 million, which included aircraft, vehicles, machinery, toys, sports equipment, and pharmaceutical products. Among the key U.S. agricultural commodity exports that could benefit from the U.S. Bahrain FTA are meats, fruits and vegetables, cereals, and dairy products. An FTA with Bahrain will support continued economic reform and investment opportunity, as well as its commitment to openness, transparency and the rule of law. ECAT POSITION: ECAT supports the timely completion and implementation of a comprehensive, high-standard and commercially meaningful U.S.-Bahrain FTA that will liberalize trade. U.S.-Panama FTA Negotiations The United States launched FTA negotiations in April 2004 and the Administration hopes to complete negotiations by the end of 2004. The Administration is seeking a comprehensive agreement that will focus on key trade and investment issues. It is seeking to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade and investment, which will also help create new opportunities for the United States and Panama. The United States and Panama have a BIT in force that was negotiated 1982. While there are significant deficiencies with this BIT, including its exclusion of key sectors, it does provide full protection for investment agreements (existing and prospective). As a result, ECAT very strongly urges the Administration not to reduce existing protections, at the same time that it seeks strengthened investment protections for all sectors. Panama represents the 42nd largest export market for U.S. goods. In 2003, U.S. goods totaled $1.8 billion, an increase of 31 percent from the previous year. U.S. imports from Panama remained unchanged with a total of $301 million. It had a trade surplus of $1.5 billion in 2003, an increase of $443 million from the previous year. However, U.S. foreign direct investment in Panama for 2002, was down by 20.5 percent. ECAT POSITION: ECAT supports the timely completion and implementation of a comprehensive, high-standard and commercially meaningful U.S.-Panama FTA that will liberalize trade and investment. ECAT strongly urges that the investment protections already accorded to U.S. investors under the U.S.-Panama BIT not be reduced in any new commitments made as part of the FTA. U.S.-Colombia and Andean Pact FTA Negotiations The United States is planning to launch FTA negotiations with Colombia and possibly other Andean countries in May 2004. (As discussed in section 10, the United States already provides unilateral preferences to four of the Andean Pact countries, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia.) The Administration hopes to complete negotiations with the initial country or countries in 2005 and hopes to bring all four of the Andean countries into one FTA thereafter. The Administration is seeking a comprehensive agreement that will focus on key trade and investment issues. It is seeking to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade and investment, which will also help create new opportunities for the United States and Colombia and the other Andean countries. Colombia represents the 27th largest export market for U.S. goods. In 2003, U.S. exports to Colombia totaled $3.8 billion, an increase of 4.8 percent from the previous year. U.S. FDI in Colombia is largely in the mining, manufacturing and wholesale sectors. In 2002, U.S. FDI was $3.7 billion, an increase from $3.6 billion in 2001. If FTA negotiations are initiated with Ecuador, ECAT strongly urges the Administration not to renegotiate investment protections that are already covered in the U.S.-Ecuador BIT. This BIT is one of the most modern and effective BITs that the United States has negotiated. Renegotiating investment protections as part of a new investment chapter would only result in a diminution of key investment protections with respect to investment agreements, expropriation, and financial services measures, given how U.S. FTAs have reduced these protections from the high standards that the United States has formally sought (as discussed further in section 4). Furthermore, several U.S. companies are involved in ongoing investment disputes with Ecuador; any suggestion that investment protections would be modified through a negotiation would have an enormously negative effect on the interests of these companies and the broader interest of the United States. ECAT POSITION: ECAT supports the timely completion and implementation of a comprehensive, high-standard and commercially meaningful U.S.-Colombia and U.S.-Andean FTA that will liberalize trade and investment. If FTA negotiations are initiated with Ecuador, ECAT strongly urges the Administration not to renegotiate or lower investment protections that are already covered in the high-standard U.S.-Ecuador BIT. U.S.-Thailand FTA Negotiations The Administration notified Congress of its intent to negotiate an FTA with Thailand on February 12, 2004. Under TPA procedures, negotiations can begin on or after May 12, 2004. The Administration is seeking a comprehensive agreement that will focus on key trade and investment issues. It is seeking to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade and investment, which will also help create new opportunities for the United States and Thailand. Thailand represents the 18th largest U.S. trading partner in 2003, with two-way trade equal to over $20 billion. In 2002, U.S. foreign direct investment in Thailand rose to $6.9 billion from $6.4 billion the year before. U.S. FDI is primarily focused on the manufacturing, mining, and finance sectors. ECAT POSITION: ECAT supports the timely completion and implementation of a comprehensive, high-standard and commercially meaningful U.S.-Thailand FTA that will liberalize trade and investment. Consideration of Future FTAs In addition to the FTAs discussed above, ECAT member companies remain interested in the potential for other FTAs that could be negotiated. With the exception of Canada and Mexico, the United States’ largest trading partners, the United States does not have and is not currently negotiating or contemplating an FTA with any other of its top 10 largest trading partners or other partners that represent significant markets for U.S. exporters and investors, either in terms of existing trade and investment or likely future trade and investment. ECAT companies recognize the difficulties in engaging in such negotiations with any of the common market countries of the European Union or even of such a negotiation with China, Japan, Russia or other key trading partners. Yet, the market potential of negotiating comprehensive and high-standard agreements with such countries sooner, rather than later, should be an issue squarely on the U.S. trade and investment negotiating agenda.
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