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SECTION 2: U.S.-CENTRAL AMERICA-DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC FREE TRADE AGREEMENT

With the conclusion of negotiations with Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua and the signing of the U.S.-Central America-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) in August 2004, the United States has embarked on a major step forward in its 20-year policy of economic engagement with Central America and the Caribbean. That economic engagement has produced concrete improvements in the economies and democratization of the region.

For two decades, the United States has unilaterally opened its markets to most goods from Central America and the Dominican Republic, as part of its broader Caribbean Basin initiatives. And it has done so with overwhelming bipartisan Congressional support.

  • In July 1983, 392 House members voted to approve the original Caribbean Basin Initiative. Only 18 House members voted against it.

  • In May 2000, 309 House members voted in support of the Trade and Development Act of 2000, which further unilaterally opened the U.S. market to goods from Central America and the rest of the Caribbean Basin.

As a result of these and other programs, about 75 percent of CAFTA exports and 99 percent of CAFTA agricultural exports already enter the United States duty-free. With the completion of the CAFTA, the United States now has the opportunity to make that relationship reciprocal and implement an agreement that will not only make the relationship permanent and more flexible, but will substantially open markets in the CAFTA countries for U.S. farm products, U.S. manufactured exports, and U.S. services.

Background

On December 17, 2003, the United States and El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua completed negotiations to create a U.S.-Central America FTA, less than one year after such negotiations were initiated on January 8, 2003. On January 25, 2004, the United States and Costa Rica completed negotiations to bring Costa Rica into the U.S.-Central America FTA. On March 15, 2004, the United States and the Dominican Republic completed negotiations to bring the Dominican Republic into the U.S.-Central America-Dominican Republic FTA. The United States signed an FTA with the five Central American nations on May 28, 2004. The Dominican Republic was formally added as an FTA partner on August 5, 2004.

CAFTA will enter into force when the United States and two of the other parties formally implement the agreement. The governments of El Salvador, Honduras and most recently Guatemala have already implemented the CAFTA, meaning that the agreement can enter into force once the United States implements it.

Major Provisions

Among the CAFTA’s primary provisions are the following:

  • Agriculture: Provides that over half of U.S. agricultural products will enter Central America and the Dominican Republic duty-free immediately upon implementation of the FTA, with remaining duties on most products phased out over 15 years. Some of the most important U.S. exports that can be expected to gain significantly from the FTA include feed grains, wheat, rice, soybeans, poultry, pork, and beef.
  • Manufactured Goods: Provides that more than 80 percent of U.S. industrial exports to Central America and the Dominican Republic will be duty-free upon entry into force of the agreement. All tariffs will be removed within 10 years. That is a substantial improvement over the 2001 zero-duty access level of 70 percent of U.S. industrial exports. Tariff elimination will represent a substantial advantage for U.S. exporters given that Central America’s average applied industrial tariffs are 30 to 100 percent higher than U.S. applied industrial rates.
  • Textiles and Apparel: Expands access to the U.S. market through a more flexible and permanent rule of origin in a manner that will promote more vibrant partnerships between U.S. textile, cotton, yarn and other suppliers and Central American and Dominican Republic apparel producers.
  • Services: Liberalizes services trade and investment in Central America and the Dominican Republic through a negative list approach with few exceptions. Makes significant progress in opening up to competition Costa Rica’s telecommunications and insurance markets.
  • Investment: Expands investment opportunities and incorporates generally strong protections, including an investor-state mechanism, for U.S. investment.
  • Intellectual Property Rights: Includes strong protections for trademarks, patents, copyrights, and trade secrets, including stronger penalties, patent term restoration and data exclusivity.
  • Dealer Protection: Incorporates for the first time ever in an FTA, innovative provisions limiting the barriers to distribution of U.S. goods and services resulting from dealer protection regimes.
  • Information Technology: Provides that the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua will join the WTO Information Technology Agreement (ITA), allowing U.S. high-tech exports to enter their markets duty-free. (Costa Rica and El Salvador already are parties to the ITA.) All parties committed to non-discrimination and national treatment of digital products, and they will not impose customs duties on products delivered electronically.
  • Government procurement: Includes important new anti-corruption, transparency and non-discrimination rules for government contracting.
  • Transparency: Includes state-of-the-art transparency standards, including in such important areas as customs and regulatory rulemaking.
  • Labor and environment: Includes commitments by each of the countries to enforce effectively their domestic labor and environmental laws. The parties reaffirmed their commitment to International Labor Organization principles and that it is inappropriate to weaken or reduce labor or environmental protections to encourage trade or investment. The parties also agreed to ensure that their environmental laws provide for high levels of environmental protection.
  • Dispute settlement: Provides that obligations in commercial, labor and environment areas are enforceable through a strong and innovative dispute settlement system allowing for monetary fines and other penalties for the failure to meet commitments.

Top Reasons to Support the CAFTA

Big Markets

Collectively, CAFTA is the second largest U.S. export market in Latin America and the United States’ 12th largest export market worldwide in 2004. It is a larger market than Russia, India and Indonesia combined. The CAFTA also represents the United States’ 6th largest export growth market (based on the value of export growth from 2000 to 2004). Once in force, the CAFTA will be the United States’ second largest FTA in terms of total trade flows after our FTA with Canada and Mexico.

U.S. products already account for about 50 percent of Central America’s imports. Central America and the Dominican Republic are already an important export market for American electrical machinery, high technology, motor vehicles, chemicals, energy, food, agricultural products, paper, textiles and fertilizer. U.S. services exports total more than $2 billion.

Leveling the Playing Field: New Opportunities for U.S. Workers and Farmers

Through unilateral preference programs overwhelming approved by Congress from 1983 onward, 75 percent of CAFTA imports and 99 percent of CAFTA agricultural products already enter the United States duty-free. The agreement will lock in those benefits and expand on them.

More importantly, CAFTA will open their markets to our farm and industrial goods and services, eliminating high tariffs, tariff rate quotas and non-tariff barriers.

Strong Labor Protections and New Opportunities to Improve Working Conditions

The constitutions and national laws of the six CAFTA countries generally provide strong labor protections that largely recognize the International Labor Organization’s four core principles. Indeed, their labor protections are largely in line with the labor laws in Morocco and Jordan, with which Congress overwhelmingly approved FTAs.

The CAFTA will promote economic opportunities and growth that are likely to be the most powerful catalysts for improved working conditions in a region where millions live on less than $2 a day. Through capacity building and dispute settlement, the CAFTA will also address the region’s need for improved enforcement of its existing labor laws.

The CAFTA countries have also shown their commitment to improved working conditions in the region, most recently with the dialogue that they’ve undertaken under the auspices of the Inter-American Development Bank.

Textiles and Apparel: Critical Markets and Expanded Partnerships

The CAFTA countries are the United States’ largest market for U.S. apparel and yarn exports, and the second largest market for U.S. fabric exports. CAFTA is critical to sustain and expand existing partnerships and to give U.S.-CAFTA goods a competitive edge to help support the approximately 500,000 jobs in Central America and the Dominican Republic in the apparel sector and the 700,000 jobs in the U.S. yarn and textile industries.

Without the implementation as soon as possible in 2005 of the CAFTA, the elimination of global quotas will have devastating effects on the U.S., Central American, and Dominican Republic textile and apparel industries as global forces compels many purchasers to move orders away from the region. This will have devastating effects particularly on Central American producers, but also on U.S. textile producers who will lose substantial opportunities and business in one of their biggest export market. Congressional approval of the CAFTA is the primary opportunity to change that scenario – to promote not only opportunities for U.S. farmers, companies and workers, but also to foster economic growth and security in our own neighborhood.

Bolstering Democracy and the Rule of Law

The CAFTA is about much more than trade and investment. This agreement can help strengthen democracy and the rule of law in a region that was wrecked by civil war not that long ago. This agreement can help promote economic development and the reduction of poverty for these countries. While the FTA will not cure these problems, it represents a force for positive change by generating new economic opportunities, new investment and new hope for the region. Expanded commercial relations with the United States based on growing trade and investment flows may be the most effective way for the United States to help these countries raise their standard of living. This agreement also represents an example of how the United States can reach an FTA with six developing countries. It will build relationships that will be important not only as efforts at regional integration continue, but also for our interests at the WTO and our broader national interests. It will also promote new economic opportunities, providing needed alternatives to illegal narcotics activity, illegal immigration, gangs and arms trafficking.

Comprehensive, but Sensitive Issues Are Handled with Care

CAFTA represents the first comprehensive FTA, with no exclusions. As a result, U.S. negotiators were able to achieve significant market access benefits for U.S. agricultural products in particular. At the same time, the CAFTA balances important sensitivities, by limiting additional imports of sugar to one day’s U.S. consumption, allowing no change in the U.S. duty on sugar and providing a compensation mechanism that could be used to halt even the limited new access if there would be harm to the domestic industry.

Key Issues

Several issues have arisen in the ongoing debate on the CAFTA. This section addresses several of the most prominent – labor, sugar, investment and economic development.

Labor

Claims by some that the CAFTA labor standards are not strong enough ignore both the TPA framework established in 2002 and the strong labor standards that these countries have on their books. It also ignores the positive developments that the economic engagement policy this agreement represents can have on further improvements for working conditions in the region.

CAFTA Meets the TPA Objectives

As discussed in depth in section 5, the TPA framework directs U.S. negotiators to seek provisions requiring FTA partners to enforce effectively their labor and environmental rules. This language represents a compromise between two very different views:
  • The view that labor and environmental rules should not be the subject at all of a trade agreement; and
  • The view that a country’s failure to adhere to core labor and environmental standards should constitute a violation of a trade agreement subject to trade sanctions.

The carefully constructed compromise represented by the Trade Act of 2002 – that ended an almost 10-year stalemate on renewal of TPA -- reflects movement on both sides that should not be lightly discarded.

CAFTA fully incorporates the TPA standard, with the following provisions:

Key Provisions in CAFTA’s Labor and Dispute
Settlement Chapters

  • Binding dispute settlement for a country’s failure to enforce its domestic labor laws, subject to monetary penalties and, potentially, trade sanctions if a settlement is not reached.
  • Reaffirmation of parties’ commitments to International Labor Organization core principles.
  • Commitments to strive to ensure that domestic labor standards incorporate internationally recognized principles, that standards are improved in that light and that Parties do not derogate from their laws as an encouragement of trade or investment.
  • Commitments to ensure access to fair, equitable and transparent tribunals for labor law enforcement and to promote public awareness thereof.
  • Establishment of Labor Affairs Council to oversee implementation of the labor chapter and review progress, including on capacity building.
  • Establishment of Labor Cooperation and Capacity-Building Mechanism to prioritize, develop and oversee projects on labor capacity building.
  • Five-year review of the effectiveness of the dispute settlement mechanism, including, in particular, the labor provisions.

CAFTA Will Promote Improved Working Conditions Through New Economic Opportunities

Before examining in any more depth the provisions on labor, it is important not to lose sight of the single most important driver for improved labor conditions in these countries – and that is economic growth and development. CAFTA, which will help promote new and improved economic opportunities and partnerships, increased transparency and accountability, a better investment climate and stability, is the best tool we have to promote that economic growth.

This is a particularly important point given that the textile and apparel sector is the second largest employer overall in these six countries, providing some of the better paying jobs in a region where subsistence agriculture engages the predominant part of the working population. CAFTA is critical to sustain and expand textile and apparel partnerships and secure the competitiveness of the U.S., Central American and Dominican textile and apparel industries now that global textile and apparel quotas have been removed. The existing unilateral preference programs, most notably CBTPA, simply are not sufficient to promote the competitiveness of these industries given its inflexible, temporary and burdensome nature. The CAFTA, however, provides new and improved access through more predictable, flexible and simpler rules that will ensure greater competitiveness for the benefit of U.S., Central American and Dominican textile and apparel producers.

Without CAFTA, on the other hand, these jobs will increasingly be lost and sourcing for textile and apparel products moved elsewhere. Indeed, thousands of jobs have already been lost in several countries in 2005. Without CAFTA, there will be fewer economic opportunities and increased poverty in a region where 47 percent – almost half – of the population lives in poverty today.

CAFTA is not meant to be or could it be a panacea, yet it represents a much-needed modernization of the U.S.-Central American-Dominican economic relationship that will promote better working conditions through economic opportunities in the region.

CAFTA Has Very Similar, If Not Stronger, Labor Provisions than the U.S.-Jordan FTA

With few exceptions, CAFTA’s labor provisions are essentially the same as contained in the U.S.-Jordan FTA, as shown in the chart below:

U.S.-Jordan FTA KEY LABOR OBLIGATIONS IN CAFTA AND THE
U.S.-JORDAN FTA

Actual text is identical for both agreements where checked, with only very minor language differences. Text is italicized for emphasis.
CAFTA
Reaffirmation of commitment as ILO members and to 1998 ILO Declaration.
Parties “shall strive to ensure” that labor principles are “recognized and protected” by domestic law.
Parties “shall strive to ensure that its laws provide for labor standards consistent with the internationally recognized labor rights” and “shall strive to improve those standards in that light.”
Commitment to enforce effectively domestic labor laws, enforceable through dispute settlement.
Parties “shall strive” . . . “not to waive or derogate from domestic labor laws as an encouragement of trade.”
  Commitment to ensure access to fair, equitable and transparent tribunals for labor law enforcement and to promote public awareness.
Recognition that cooperation may enhance labor standards and authorization of Joint Committee to consider cooperative activities.  
  Establishment of Labor Cooperation and Capacity-building Mechanism to develop and oversee projects on labor capacity building.
  Establishment of a Labor Affairs Council to oversee implementation of the labor chapter and review progress, including on capacity building.
  Binding panel decisions on country’s enforcement of labor laws with time limits for the establishment of dispute settlement panels.
Ability to take “any appropriate and commensurate measure” for failure to enforce labor laws where a settlement is not reached. Side letters between the United States and Jordan specifically indicate that parties do intend or expect to use trade sanctions.  
  Ability to impose monetary fines and subsequently to take “other appropriate steps,” including trade sanctions, for failure to enforce labor laws where a settlement is not reached.

The key differences between the U.S.-Jordan FTA and CAFTA are:

1. CAFTA Clarifies What Was Implicit in the Jordan FTA. CAFTA includes a provision specifically stating that the only provision subject to dispute settlement is the “enforce-your-own-law” standard. Contrary to the view of some critics, this provision represents a clarification of the fact that this is the only language in the agreement that expresses an enforceable commitment as opposed to a hortatory objective. Indeed, the CAFTA language essentially incorporates into the agreement what former President Clinton said when he transmitted the U.S.-Jordan FTA to Congress on January 6, 2001:

    "The FTA joins free trade and open markets with civic responsibilities. In this Agreement, the United States and Jordan affirm the importance of not relaxing labor or environmental laws in order to increase trade. It is important to note that the FTA does not require either country to adopt any new laws in these areas, but rather includes commitments that each country enforce its own labor and environmental laws." (emphasis added).

This statement was obviously not made because Jordan had perfect labor laws. Indeed, as the 2004 State Department Report on Human Rights on Jordan found: “[Jordan’s] [l]abor laws mandate that workers must obtain Government permission to strike. Unions generally did not seek approval for a strike, but workers used the threat of a strike as a negotiating tactic. Strikes are prohibited if a labor dispute is under mediation or arbitration.” (emphasis added).

2. CAFTA Contains a More Developed and Binding Dispute Settlement Mechanism. The Jordan FTA includes an underdeveloped dispute settlement that lacks strict time limits for the appointment of panelists, meaning that complaints can be blocked in perpetuity.

In the case of the CAFTA, the dispute settlement procedures with respect to labor and environmental issues are much more detailed and developed and result in binding panel reports, with strict time limits for the establishment of panels and potentially the imposition of monetary assessments or trade sanctions. Panels are authorized to review a Party’s commitment to enforce its labor and environmental laws as sought by the Trade Promotion Authority negotiating objectives. If a panel finds that a Party is failing to enforce such laws and that the Party does not bring its actions into accordance with the FTA obligations, the other Party is authorized to assess a monetary penalty that will be used for improving labor or environmental conditions in the complained of Party. If that monetary penalty is not paid, the complaining Party “may take other appropriate steps to collect the assessment or otherwise secure compliance . . . [including] suspending tariff benefits under the Agreement as necessary to collect the assessment. . . .”

3. CAFTA Contains a Robust Capacity-Building Mechanism. CAFTA includes the most concrete provisions included in an FTA on labor capacity building, including the establishment of a Labor Affairs Council that will oversee a Labor Cooperation and Capacity-building Mechanism to:

  • establish capacity building priorities, including with respect to “fundamental rights and their effective application,” worst forms of child labor, labor administration and inspection systems.
  • develop specific cooperative and capacity-building activities.
  • exchange information on laws and practices and ways to strengthen them.
  • seek support from the ILO, Inter-American Development Bank, World Bank and Organization of American States to advance common commitments.
  • seek input from worker and employer representatives and the public.

Capacity building by the ILO and other institutions has, over the years, resulted in very concrete progress on working conditions in the region and throughout the world. In Central America, for example, ILO technical assistance through the IPEC (International Programme for the Elimination of Child Labor) has provided assistance to tens of thousands of children involved in child labor and their parents. Much more remains to be done to improve working conditions, but it is most often the lack of resources and technical ability, not particular laws, that limit improvements in labor conditions.

Notably, the Administration began its first CAFTA-related labor project before the agreement was even concluded, with a $6.75 million grant to the Foundation for Peace and Democracy to help improve working conditions in the region. In the FY 2005 Appropriations Act, Congress also allocated $20 million for labor and environment capacity building for the CAFTA countries.

On April 4, 2005, the six countries and the Inter-American Development Bank released a paper – The Labor Dimension in Central America and the Dominican Republic: Building on Progress: Strengthening Compliance and Enhancing Capacity (Labor White Paper) –detailing how the democratically elected governments of each country have made and continue to seek progress in improving labor standards and working conditions in their countries. The report also identifies specific areas where the countries require technical assistance to improve working conditions and reflects the strong commitment of these countries to improving working conditions for their citizens.

The CAFTA Countries’ Labor Standards Broadly Incorporate the ILO Core Labor Standards

Much of the debate on CAFTA and labor revolves around whether the Central American and Dominican labor standards are good enough. As discussed above, that, however, is not the standard that was adopted by the U.S. Congress in 2002. Nevertheless, two ILO reports and other information demonstrate that, while not perfect, the Central American and Dominican labor laws are quite robust and incorporate broadly, as well as many of the specifics, of the ILO core standards.

In Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: A Labour Law Study – Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, ILO (Oct. 2003) and Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: A Labour Law Study – Dominican Republic, ILO (Jan. 2004), the ILO identified the countries’ constitutional and national laws protections for the four ILO core standards – broadly defined as freedom of association and collective bargaining, prohibitions on employment discrimination, prohibition on child labor below a certain age and the worst forms of child labor and a prohibition on forced labor. While these six countries have very detailed labor laws with extensive constitutional and national law protections, the ILO has also identified specific areas where laws could be and should be improved, and that is an issue that each of the Central American countries is currently evaluating. It is notable that the new Labor White Paper, endorsed by all the trade and labor ministers from these countries, includes not only commitments on improved enforcement, but also on other important changes to improve the operation of their laws, including in the area of freedom of association.

CAFTA Represents a Stronger Worker Rights Model than Unilateral Preference Programs

In determining eligibility for duty-free treatment, the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), CBTPA and the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act (CBERA) prohibit the designation of a country as a beneficiary if it “has not [taken] or is not taking steps to afford internationally recognized worker rights” and is implementing its commitments to eliminate the worst forms of child labor. As language of GSP, CBTPA and CBERA makes clear: these provisions do not require a country’s adherence to internationally recognized worker rights as a condition of eligibility; rather only that a country has or is taking “steps.”

In contrast, CAFTA commits the Parties to enforce their domestic labor laws – which, as discussed above, broadly incorporate the ILO’s core labor standards and, for five of the six countries, the ILO eight core conventions -- subject to binding dispute settlement, including potential monetary assessments and trade sanctions. As a result, the CAFTA mechanism:
  • Contains a stronger commitment, “enforce-your-own-laws” versus “to take steps.”
  • Includes an institutional framework to support labor capacity building – the very activities that together with economic development are likely to have the greatest impact on improving worker protections in the region.

Sugar

Contrary to the criticisms, the sugar provisions of the CAFTA were handled extremely carefully in a manner that provides substantial protections to the U.S. sugar industry. Indeed, while all other agricultural and manufactured products from these countries will receive duty-free treatment when the CAFTA is fully implemented, sugar imports will not. It is the only product for which the tariff will not change. Rather the new access provided by CAFTA consists only of a modest increase in the quantity eligible under the sugar quota by 109,000 metric tons in year one, and that quantity will only increase incrementally during the agreement to an additional 150,000 metric tons in year 15. Given the size of the U.S. sugar market, the new access in year one equals less than 1 percent of the 2003/2004 U.S. sugar supply and less than seven percent of U.S. imports of sugar. In addition, CAFTA includes a compensation mechanism that would allow the restriction of actual increased imports, but require the U.S. government to compensate these countries for such restrictions.

It is notable that the Central American and Dominican Republic negotiators sought much more significant access, as this is one of the few products for which they do not already export to the United States duty-free, since sugar remains one of the most highly protected of all U.S. commodities.

Investment

As discussed above, CAFTA incorporates strong rules to protect Americans investing in these six countries. These investment rules are based on centuries’ old U.S. legal principles -- from the Takings Clause and Due Process and Equal Protection provisions of the U.S. Constitution to strong state and federal laws on the protection of property. NAFTA Chapter 11 and the preceding 45 BITs were modeled after U.S. law, including the Takings and Due Process Clauses of the Constitution.

CAFTA, like other recent FTAs, seeks to make that link between U.S. legal principles and practice more direct pursuant to Congress’ directives in the Trade Act of 2002. In particular, CAFTA includes the following modifications from earlier investment treaties and NAFTA Chapter 11:

  • Incorporating the test from the landmark Supreme Court case Penn Central Transp. v. New York City on what constitutes an indirect expropriation.
  • Defining expropriation in terms of “property rights or property interests” based on the U.S. Constitution’s Takings Clause.
  • Defining “fair and equitable treatment” in terms of due process rights.
  • Clarifying that non-discriminatory, regulatory government actions designed and applied to protect legitimate public welfare objectives, such as public health, safety, and the environment, only rarely result in indirect expropriations.
  • Defining expropriation and fair and equitable protections as reflecting customary international law, defined as the “general and consistent practice of States,” which includes the United States.
  • Creating a motion to dismiss process based on Federal Rules of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6).
  • Including provisions to ensure the fullest possible transparency and the ability of panels to accept amicus briefs.
  • Inclusion of the most concrete language in any FTA on a timeframe for negotiating an investor-state appellate or other review procedure.

Since foreign investors in the United States already enjoy these substantive protections, the CAFTA’s investment provisions are critical to level the playing field.

CAFTA includes, as Congress sought, an investor-state dispute settlement system relying on objective and neutral international arbitration. Investor-state dispute settlement has long been a hallmark of U.S. investment protections included in some 38 Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), as well as NAFTA and the FTAs with Chile, Singapore, and Morocco. It is also included in more than 1800 BITs around the world. These neutral dispute settlement procedures are critical for U.S. investors abroad who oftentimes face underdeveloped and sometimes corrupt judicial processes and other limits on their ability to pursue neutral dispute settlement. CAFTA addresses that issue and improves upon the investment protection provisions as Congress sought in TPA.

Economic Development

Concerns have also been expressed that CAFTA will undermine economic progress in the region by allowing more competitive U.S. products, particularly agricultural products, to enter the market. These concerns ignore the very positive impact that free trade agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have had on economic development. As explored in more depth in Section 11, an independent and detailed study by the World Bank published at the end of 2003 – Lessons from NAFTA for Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) Countries: A Summary of Research Findings, by Daniel Lederman, William Maloney, and Luis Servén – analyzed the effects of NAFTA on the Mexican economy, separating out the effects of the peso crisis. It found that:
  • “NAFTA has brought significant economic and social benefits to the Mexican economy.”
  • “Contrary to some predictions, NAFTA has not had a devastating effect on Mexico’s agriculture. In fact, both domestic production and trade in agricultural goods rose during the NAFTA years.” The report goes on to explain why, citing factors such as increased demand and productivity.
  • “In spite of popular perception, there is little ground for concerns that NAFTA, or FTAs more generally, are likely to have a detrimental effect on the availability and/or quality of jobs. . . . . In fact, Mexican firms, as those of the region, more generally, that are exposed to trade tend to pay higher wages, adjusted for skills, are more formal, and invest more in training.”

    CAFTA improves upon the NAFTA model in several respects, by incorporating:

  • A concrete capacity-building mechanism, already being used to promote agricultural diversification and other activities;
  • More gradual phase-outs of sensitive agricultural tariffs;
  • More flexible and commercially meaningful rules of origin for textile and apparel products; and
  • Stronger procurement, anti-corruption rules and transparency rules to name a few.

Perhaps even more important is the recognition of the democratically-elected governments involved of the need to build upon the reforms that the CAFTA requires and to make additional domestic reforms that will bolster their economies.

Failure to implement the CAFTA is not, however, the answer. At best it will maintain the status quo. It will not improve conditions for subsistence farmers or those in poverty in these countries. Indeed, failure to implement the CAFTA could actually worsen the situation if pressure for reform does not continue and there is an increasing loss of U.S. investment and sourcing from the region, with its associated loss of jobs in the second largest sector – textiles and apparel – in these economies, and a deteriorating economic situation.

In a region where almost half – 47 percent – of the population lives in poverty, CAFTA represents an extremely important tool for economic growth and development.

ECAT POSITION: ECAT strongly supports Congress’ implementation of the CAFTA. It is a comprehensive, high standard and commercially meaningful agreement with the United States’ 12th largest export market. In addition to eliminating barriers and creating significant new economic opportunities for U.S. manufacturers, service providers and farmers, the CAFTA is also critical to promote economic development and improved working conditions in a region where nearly half of the population lives in poverty. It is also vital to support stability and strengthened democracy in a region that was characterized not that long ago by communist insurgencies, military dictators and instability. CAFTA is the next step in the United States’ 20-year bipartisan policy of economic engagement. ECAT urges its implementation as soon as possible.


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